Michaela Benson and Karen O'Reilly
The book edited by Michaela Benson and Karen O’Reilly that was published in 2009. The book examines the phenomenon of lifestyle migration, which is the decision by relatively affluent individuals to relocate to a new country in search of a better and more fulfilling way of life. The book explores the motivations for lifestyle migration, the challenges and rewards of expatriate life, and the impact of lifestyle migration on destination countries.
The book examines the motivations for lifestyle migration. The authors argue that lifestyle migrants are motivated by a desire for a better quality of life, which may include factors such as climate, access to amenities, and cultural attractions. The authors also discuss the role of push and pull factors in lifestyle migration decisions.
The book also explores the challenges and rewards of expatriate life. The authors discuss the challenges of adapting to a new culture, language, and way of life. They also discuss the rewards of expatriate life, such as the opportunity to experience new things, meet new people, and learn about different cultures.
The authors discuss the economic and social impacts of lifestyle migration. They also discuss the challenges and opportunities that lifestyle migration presents for destination countries.
Chapter 1: Michaela Benson and Karen O'Reilly
Lifestyle Migration: Escaping to the Good Life
In the chapter “Lifestyle Migration: Escaping to the Good Life,” the authors argue that lifestyle migrants are not simply seeking to escape their current lives, but rather are actively pursuing a better and more fulfilling way of life. They identify five core themes that are common among lifestyle migrants:
A desire for a better quality of life: Lifestyle migrants often cite factors such as climate, access to amenities, and cultural attractions as motivations for their move.
A search for authenticity: Lifestyle migrants often express a desire to escape the perceived superficiality and materialism of their home countries. They seek a more authentic and meaningful way of life.
A yearning for simplicity: Lifestyle migrants often seek to simplify their lives by downsizing their possessions, reducing their work commitments, and adopting a more leisurely lifestyle.
A connection with nature: Lifestyle migrants often seek a closer connection with nature. They may be drawn to rural settings or coastal areas.
A sense of community: Lifestyle migrants often seek a sense of community in their new homes. They may be attracted to small towns or villages where they can get to know their neighbors and feel a sense of belonging.
The authors conclude that lifestyle migration is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon. It is not simply about escaping to a paradise, but rather about actively pursuing a better and more fulfilling way of life.
Lifestyle migrants still remain the privileged class. Whatever they claim:
Chapter 2: Mari KOrpela
When a Trip to Adulthood becomes a Lifestyle:
Western LIfestyle Migrants in Varansi, India
n the chapter “When a Trip to Adulthood becomes a Lifestyle: Western Lifestyle Migrants in Varanasi,” the author Mari Korpela explores the experiences of Western lifestyle migrants living in Varanasi, India. Korpela argues that lifestyle migration can be seen as a form of delayed adulthood, in which individuals postpone the responsibilities and expectations of adulthood in order to pursue personal fulfillment and growth.
In the chapter “When a Trip to Adulthood becomes a Lifestyle: Western Lifestyle Migrants in Varanasi,” the author Mari Korpela explores the experiences of Western lifestyle migrants living in Varanasi, India. Korpela argues that lifestyle migration can be seen as a form of delayed adulthood, in which individuals postpone the responsibilities and expectations of adulthood in order to pursue personal fulfillment and growth.
Korpela’s research focuses on a group of young Westerners who have migrated to Varanasi, a holy city in India. She argues that these migrants are attracted to Varanasi’s spiritual and cultural offerings, as well as its low cost of living. However, she also finds that many of these migrants struggle to adapt to the challenges of life in Varanasi, such as poverty, pollution, and cultural differences.
Korpela’s research suggests that lifestyle migration can be a transformative experience, but it is not without its challenges. She argues that lifestyle migrants need to be prepared to face the realities of life in their new home countries, and they need to be willing to adapt to new cultural norms and expectations.
I define the Westerners in Varanasi to be mobile lifestyle migrants with
bohemian aspirations. Their lives are characterized by constant mobility as they
do not stay in Varanasi permanently but repeatedly return there. Moreover, their
mobility also involves other locations than merely Varanasi and their country
of origin, especially since many of them claim to be still searching for an ideal
location. In addition to mobility defining them as a particular kind of lifestyle
migrants, the Westerners in Varanasi also describe the ‘good life’ in somewhat
different terms from many other lifestyle migrants because of their bohemian –
spiritual and artistic – aspirations and because of their emphasis on an ‘alternative’
lifestyle.
Here are some of the key findings of Korpela’s research:
- Many Western lifestyle migrants in Varanasi are attracted to the city’s spiritual and cultural offerings.
- Lifestyle migration can be seen as a form of delayed adulthood, in which individuals postpone the responsibilities and expectations of adulthood in order to pursue personal fulfillment and growth.
- Lifestyle migrants often face challenges adapting to the realities of life in their new home countries, such as poverty, pollution, and cultural differences.
- Lifestyle migration can be a transformative experience, but it is not without its challenges.
Chapter 3: Brian A. Hoey
Pursuing The Good Life:
American Narratives of Travel and a Search for Refuge
In the chapter “Pursuing the Good Life: American Narratives of Travel and a Search for Refuge,” author Brian A. Hoey explores how narratives of travel and migration have been used to construct and promote the idea of the “good life” in the United States.
Based on five years of ethnographic fieldwork in the mid-western United States
among downsized and downshifting middle-class American workers relocating
from metropolitan areas to rural northern Michigan, this chapter explores a
contemporary search for personal forms of refuge
It describes how, in the face
of uncertainty in the world of work, these migrants use their act of relocation to
personally meaningful places as a way of redefining themselves and regaining a
sense of control
Hoey argues that these narratives have often been used to justify the exclusion of immigrants and other marginalized groups, and have reinforced the idea that the United States is a land of opportunity for all.
My research has focused on a category of lifestyle migrant for which work has
failed to provide a reliable foundation on which to build personally meaningful identity.
Hoey’s research focuses on two main themes:
The “American Dream” narrative: This narrative suggests that the United States is a land of opportunity where anyone can achieve success, regardless of their background. This narrative has been used to attract immigrants to the United States, but it has also been used to justify the exclusion of immigrants who do not succeed.
The “frontier” narrative: This narrative suggests that the United States is a land of endless possibilities, where individuals can escape the constraints of society and find new beginnings. This narrative has been used to justify westward expansion and the displacement of Native Americans, and it has also been used to attract people to the United States who are seeking a fresh start.
Hoey argues that these narratives have been powerful tools for shaping the American identity and for justifying the exclusion of marginalized groups. He also argues that these narratives are becoming increasingly problematic, as they do not reflect the realities of contemporary American society.
Entrepreneurial
tendencies are strong among these migrants given their desire to claim a sense
of control over the domain of work while financing personal commitments to
improving their quality of life.
Here are some of the key findings of Hoey’s research:
- The “American Dream” narrative has been used to attract immigrants to the United States, but it has also been used to justify the exclusion of immigrants who do not succeed.
- The “frontier” narrative has been used to justify westward expansion and the displacement of Native Americans, and it has also been used to attract people to the United States who are seeking a fresh start.
- These narratives are becoming increasingly problematic, as they do not reflect the realities of contemporary American society.
- There is a need to develop new narratives that are more inclusive and that reflect the diversity of American society.
Chapter 4: Catherine Trundle
Romance Tourists, Foreign Wives or Retirement Migrants?
Cross-cultural Marriage in Florence, Italy
In the chapter “Romance Tourists, Foreign Wives or Retirement Migrants? Cross-Cultural Marriage in Florence, Italy,” author Catherine Trundle explores the experiences of cross-cultural couples in Florence, Italy. Trundle argues that cross-cultural marriages are often seen as a form of lifestyle migration, in which individuals seek to escape the constraints of their home countries and find a more fulfilling life abroad.
Trundle’s research focuses on a group of foreign women who have married Italian men and are living in Florence. She argues that these women are attracted to Italy’s rich cultural heritage, its beautiful scenery, and its slower pace of life. However, she also finds that many of these women face challenges adapting to Italian culture and society.
Trundle’s research suggests that cross-cultural marriage can be a positive experience, but it is not without its challenges. She argues that cross-cultural couples need to be prepared for the challenges of cultural differences, and they need to be willing to communicate openly and honestly with each other.
Chapter 5: Per Gustafson
Your Home in Spain:
Residential Strategies in International Retirement Migration
Then it’s also an advantage, when you have something of your own, because, in
particular when you have doubled, you have almost everything you need down
there, and you can travel down quickly if you want, and travel back home quickly
as well. You can travel between these places without a terrible lot of planning.
You’ve got the things you need. You can really take just a small bag and go.
Gustafson’s research focuses on a group of Swedish retirement migrants living in the Costa del Sol region of Spain. He identifies four main residential strategies that these migrants employ:
The concept is useful here because
it emphasizes that persons who acquire second homes need to make a number of
choices (Williams et al. 2004). They need to find a suitable dwelling and decide
how to use it – when, how often, for how long and for what purpose(s). They need
to consider whether and how the second home should affect their use of their
‘first’ home.
- Some of the interviewees in the present study had bought a Spanish
holiday home while they were still working - Three respondents had in
fact migrated to Spain in their fifties to earn their living there, and then became
seasonal residents when they retired.
Gustafson argues that the residential strategy that a migrant chooses is shaped by a number of factors, including their financial resources, their expectations for their retirement lifestyle, and their desire for security and permanence. He also argues that retirement migrants can be seen as “active consumers” of housing, as they are actively seeking to find and secure housing that meets their needs and preferences.
Cultural Difference:
back home in Sweden. And be glad that it is not! If you are positive you see it
as part of the charm, if you are negative you just get angry, and what is the point
of that? So, a step in the stairs may be slanting. You have not received the tiles
that you ordered. The doors of your wardrobe are poorly painted, you think. The
Spanish painter does not think so. It is important that you realise from the start
that things are different in Spain. In addition, one needs to bring along a good
share of humility, and realise that we are guests in a foreign country, even though
we gradually adapt as Swedish Spaniards.
Chapter 6: Maria Angeles Casado-Diaz
Social Capital in the Sun:
Bonding and Bridging Social Capital among British Retirees
In the chapter “Social Capital in the Sun: Bonding and Bridging Social Capital among British Retirees,” author Maria Angeles Casado-Diaz explores the social networks of British retirees living in Calpe, Spain. Casado-Diaz argues that social capital, which is the networks of relationships among people who live and work in a particular society, is an important resource for British retirees in Calpe.
Casado-Diaz identifies two main types of social capital that British retirees in Calpe develop:
Bonding social capital: This refers to the close ties that British retirees develop with other British expatriates in Calpe. These ties can provide emotional support, practical assistance, and a sense of belonging.
As suggested in previous research, bonding
types of social capital do seem to reinforce group identities and facilitate reciprocity
and solidarity among in-group members (Parker and Song 2006). As one retiree
put it, ‘(in Spain) we make better and closer friends very quickly because of the
shared culture, the language. We are outsiders and we stick together
Bridging social capital: This refers to the ties that British retirees develop with Spanish nationals and other non-British expatriates in Calpe. These ties can help British retirees to integrate into the local community and learn about Spanish culture.
What unites us, really, is that it is not easy living in a different country where
you are not that good at the language; we are all away from home, we are all
away from our families, and I think this gives us a very strong feeling of identity
within the community. (Diane, 60)
Casado-Diaz argues that both bonding and bridging social capital are important for British retirees in Calpe.
Overwhelmingly,
though, these IRM migrants are bonding within their own fellow nationals, not
with the wider local community.
Those of us living here (in the Calpe area) are very different to those who moved
to places in the south of Alicante, particularly Torrevieja. We all come from the
same background … I guess we are all very middle class compared to those
living in the south, who are, I guess, very working class. (Lucy, 68)
Such comments were fairly typical. The general impression given by interviewees
was one where they see and portray themselves as middle-class people in a
middle-class area following middle-class pursuits. The social networks that the
respondents move in are socially homogenous – generally middle-class British
people – and thus can be considered as promoting bonding social capital. One
resident commented, ‘most of our friends are like us, we have many things in
common. I guess we are all middle class.’ However, on the topic of social class and
heterogeneity of friendships, one respondent noted:
I think back in England the social level is far more defined … so you are friends
with people from the same sort of group, with the people you are on the same sort
of level at work … whereas here, you might end up being friends with people
very different to yourself, both ways, people on a higher position or people in a
lower position, because you wouldn’t know before you were friends with them
… I think it is a great social leveller in here. (Claire, 58)
This perception of a ‘classless’ community was also mentioned by many members
of the U3A Calpe but, among a very middle-class group such as this one, it seemed
particularly relevant to the less well off.
Chapter 7: Karen O'Reilly
The Children of the Hunters:
Self-realization PRojects and Class Reproduction
In the chapter “The Children of the Hunters: Self-realization projects and class reproduction,” author Karen O’Reilly explores the experiences of the children of lifestyle migrants. O’Reilly argues that the children of lifestyle migrants are often caught between two worlds: their parents’ desire for a more fulfilling life abroad and their own desire for a sense of belonging and stability.
Zygmunt Bauman distinguishes three phases of history characterized as traditional
society, solid modernity and liquid modernity. Liquid modernity is a later stage
of solid modernity, which arose as a result of attempts to ‘melt the solids’ of
traditional society, to shed irrelevant obligations, rigid hierarchies, traditional
loyalties, and customary rights (Bauman 2000, 3).
However, according to Bauman, the new order was to be even more solid.
People freed from their old ties and
obligations were simply expected to locate themselves in new patterns – in classes
– to conform to new sets of rules, and to orient themselves to new but clearly
defined positions or ideologies; solid modernity thus still sought organization and
stability (Jacobsen and Marshman 2008).
A habitus is also ‘inculcated by the
possibilities and impossibilities, freedoms and necessities, opportunities and
prohibitions inscribed in the objective conditions’ (Bourdieu 1990, 54).
In otherwords,
what cannot be reasonably expected to happen will not be attempted
by even the most avid hunter.
O’Reilly’s research focuses on a group of British children who have been raised in Spain by lifestyle migrant parents. She argues that these children face a number of challenges, including:
- Cultural identity: The children of lifestyle migrants often feel like they do not fully belong to either their parents’ home culture or their host country.
- Social isolation: The children of lifestyle migrants may find it difficult to make friends with other children in their host country, as they may not share the same cultural background or interests.
- Lack of stability: Lifestyle migrants often move frequently, which can make it difficult for their children to develop a sense of stability and belonging.
O’Reilly argues that the children of lifestyle migrants are not simply passive victims of their parents’ choices. She argues that these children are actively trying to make sense of their own identities and their place in the world. She also argues that the children of lifestyle migrants can be seen as agents of social change, as they can help to bridge the gap between their parents’ home culture and their host country.
Escaping the Insecurities and Risks of Contemporary Life
The children’s stories about moving to Spain, like those of their parents (O’Reilly
2000; King et al. 2000; Casado-Díaz 2006), reveal a sense of escape from what
they perceive as the insecurities, risks and unpredictability of their lives in the UK,
I moved here because my family all love it, it’s a much better way of life. I hate
England, its very dangerous, it always rains and it’s so dirty. I got mugged at
least twice a week, here I’ve only been mugged once. (Boy, Year 8)
Back in England, where I lived there used to be a curfew where you used to
have to be in by half past eight, cos, like, all the kidnaps and everything, so you
couldn’t do much after you got home from school. But over here you can walk
round and play out and you feel safe and that. (Girl, Year 11)
The Strange Outside
We wanted to make friends with Spanish, but they don’t want to know.
You just give up in the end. (Boy, aged 16)
Some have been more directly and physically attacked, like this boy:
In Mijas, where we live, we were out and these guys started following us, about
our age, so we didn’t want to fight so we carried on biking away, and we biked
right into, like, a busload of their brothers, coming off the bus from school, and
one of them held, like, a knife to my tire and my neck and stuff. So, that was
scary! (Boy, Year 9)
The wider society is deemed just as dangerous as the one
they left.
Home as a Third Space
These children of lifestyle migrants enjoy the freedom Spain offers as well as
the safety in contrast to home, but they do not enjoy the strangeness of being in a
foreign place
If you are in Spanish school you feel strange because they are all Spanish and
you are different, if you are in this school you know they are all different, so it’s
not, you know, you all mix. (Girl, Year 10)
Tourists of Life
The
children were often quite negative about the prospect of staying in Spain beyond
schooling, as seen in this discussion of Year 10 students:
I’ll go back to go to University and I think I’ll stay over there cos, like, here, I
don’t see any, like, job opportunities and, like, I’ve been learning Spanish, like,
8 years and I can’t speak it [laughs] and um. I don’t see anything interesting
here. (Girl)
I wanna stay here but there’s no jobs, not if you can’t talk Spanish. (Girl)
Some children appear truly international in outlook and culture. It almost does not
matter to them where they live; they feel they can choose from the whole world
and there is no hurry to decide. These children live in a society of networks, not
structures, and have no need for long-term planning (Bauman 2007).
I don’t know. I may go to America, or England perhaps, or maybe Denmark for
a while (Boy, aged 17)
I’ve got a feeling I am going to live in lots of different countries. First I will start
in America because there they speak English. (Boy, aged 15)
Other children, as we shall see below, do not have such freedom of choice.
Tourists and Vagabonds: The Reproduction of the Elite
The tourists (a
metaphor for a style of moving, not to be taken literally) have the freedom to
decide where and when to move: ‘Those “high up” are satisfied that they travel
through life by their heart’s desire and pick and choose their destinations according
to the joys they offer.’ (Bauman 1998, 86)
The vagabonds, alternatively, move
because there is nowhere they can stay.
In liquid modernity the powerful elites are those who can travel light, and the settled majority are ruled by the nomadic.
If children who go to international school are destined to be the future global
elite, in international school they are in training for their future touristic lifestyles:
they are mixing with other future elites, picking up bits of other languages, making
friends from all over the world and preparing for their atomized lifestyles which
will not settle anywhere for long. This is why they accept they should learn some
Spanish but it need not be in-depth.
The Continuing Salience of Categories and Classes
Despite Bauman’s emphasis on fluidity, change and liquid styles of life, it is clear
that the categorizations and fixed identities associated with solid modernity retain
a strong influence over actions.
It’s hard. My parents make me feel guilty every day. Cos they don’t want me to
go back. But it’s just something I felt that I had to do. To get what I wanted to
do later on – It’s like, I’ve got a life here and a life in England and there’s lots
of stuff going on in England that I feel like I should be there for, like now – my
uncle’s not well, and my granddad hasn’t been well, and it’s all just been like
that. (Girl, aged 16)
These children are forced to make uncomfortable choices about their futures, since
the ‘responsibilities for resolving the quandaries generated by vexingly volatile
and constantly changing circumstances’ has been individualized (Bauman 2007,
3).
For all that they have moved to realize their dreams the parents (the
hunters of utopia) take their habitus with them and socialize their children into a
class habitus that is cross-cut by nationality. Children are therefore predisposed to
act according to their group habitus
Working-class children do not have
the freedom to choose where to go next in the world; they are constrained by the
amount of economic capital available and their imaginations are curtailed by their habitus.
Overwhelmingly these
children’s explanations for moving to Spain describe the fear, risk and uncertainty
of the lives they left behind and the freedom, warmth, fun and safety that Spain
provides.
However, their location in Spanish society is somewhat marginal: they
attend international school, make friends within their own, foreign, communities,
and are fully aware they are not likely to stay in Spain beyond school life.
Chapter 8: Michaela Benson
A Desire for Difference:
British Lifestyle Migration to Southwest France
n the chapter “A Desire for Difference: British Lifestyle Migration to Southwest France,” author Michaela Benson explores the motivations of British lifestyle migrants who move to southwest France. Benson argues that these migrants are not simply seeking to escape the UK, but rather are actively pursuing a different and more fulfilling way of life.
Benson’s research focuses on a group of British lifestyle migrants living in the Lot-et-Garonne department of southwest France. She identifies five main motivations for their migration:
A desire for a better quality of life: Lifestyle migrants often cite factors such as climate, access to amenities, and cultural attractions as motivations for their move.
A search for authenticity: Lifestyle migrants often express a desire to escape the perceived superficiality and materialism of the UK. They seek a more authentic and meaningful way of life.
A yearning for simplicity: Lifestyle migrants often seek to simplify their lives by downsizing their possessions, reducing their work commitments, and adopting a more leisurely lifestyle.
A connection with nature: Lifestyle migrants often seek a closer connection with nature. They may be drawn to rural settings or coastal areas.
A sense of community: Lifestyle migrants often seek a sense of community in their new homes. They may be attracted to small towns or villages where they can get to know their neighbors and feel a sense of belonging.
Many of the migrants
contrasted these presentations to the lives that they led in the Lot, where there is
no English-speaking infrastructure and no geographical concentration of Britons
(they live disparately around the department).
Sian stressed that her life was different because
she made an effort to communicate and engage with the local French, rather than
living in an English ‘ghetto’.
Another respondent explained to me that he thought that the Spanish had
promoted ghetto living; life in Spain appealed to a certain kind of Briton who did
not want the hassle of having to learn Spanish and integrate.
Benson argues that these motivations are not mutually exclusive, and that lifestyle migrants may be drawn to southwest France for a combination of reasons. She also argues that lifestyle migration can be seen as a form of “place-based consumption,” in which individuals choose to live in particular places in order to consume the lifestyle and amenities that are available there.
Buller and Hoggart argue, the British in France
… are going to cheap, accessible rural areas, where the quality of life is regarded
as an improvement on a previous place of residence … counterurbanization is
more than a simple search for cheap properties in rural areas. It implies also
recognition of a desire for an alternative, less urban lifestyle (1994, 126–7).
Here are some of the key findings of Benson’s research:
- British lifestyle migrants move to southwest France for a variety of reasons, including a desire for a better quality of life, a search for authenticity, a yearning for simplicity, a connection with nature, and a sense of community.
- These motivations are not mutually exclusive, and lifestyle migrants may be drawn to southwest France for a combination of reasons.
- Lifestyle migration can be seen as a form of “place-based consumption,” in which individuals choose to live in particular places in order to consume the lifestyle and amenities that are available there.
They cannot, despite living in another country, fully
break away from their lives before migration. Ironically, they remain engaged in
similar processes of distinction to those they so willingly left behind in Britain,
demonstrating the continuing salience of class.
Through the
performance of their accounts, the migrants thus affirm that they are different and
seek some approval of this position. Again, the audience is important here, and my
respondents would often tell me, for example, how happy their families were that
they had taken the decision to migrate.
Furthermore, following Bourdieu (1984, 1986, 1996), the migrants’ narratives
and their choice of audience for these demonstrate that they are in the process of
accumulating capital
Their advancement within British society relies upon this.
Pursuing their dreams of leading a different way of life is a demonstration that
they aim for cultural capital, with this different lifestyle, a rare symbolic good,
deemed worthy of being pursued
The irony is, that in order to maintain this
high level of cultural capital, they must remain in France, constantly striving for
a different way of life.
Through their discussions of those back
in Britain, the migrants affirm and provide further justification for their migration.
Chapter 9: Ozlem Nudrali and Karen O'Reilly
Taking the Risk:
The British in Didim, Turkey
n the chapter “Taking the Risk: The British in Didim, Turkey,” author Michaela Benson explores the motivations and experiences of British lifestyle migrants who have moved to Didim, Turkey. Benson argues that these migrants are taking a risk by moving to Didim, as it is a relatively unknown destination for British expatriates. However, she also argues that these migrants are drawn to Didim’s low cost of living, its warm climate, and its friendly locals.
Benson’s research focuses on a group of British lifestyle migrants living in Didim. She identifies four main reasons why these migrants moved to Turkey:
Economic motives: Many British migrants moved to Turkey to take advantage of the low cost of living. Turkey is a relatively inexpensive country to live in, and many migrants were able to retire early or downsize their homes and live comfortably on their pensions or savings.
Climate: Didim has a warm and sunny climate, with average temperatures ranging from 15°C to 30°C throughout the year. This was a major draw for many British migrants, who were tired of the cold and wet weather in the UK.
Friendship and community: Didim is a relatively small town with a strong sense of community. Many British migrants found it easy to make friends with other expats and locals, and they appreciated the warm and welcoming atmosphere.
A desire for a simpler life: Some British migrants moved to Didim in search of a simpler and more laid-back lifestyle. They wanted to escape the stress and hustle and bustle of British life, and they found that Didim offered a more relaxed pace of life.
Those migrants still owning property in the UK often prefer to spend winters
there. For this group, moving between the UK and Turkey is easy, not only
economically but also psychologically.
Those who sought an economic escape
route through migration, however, share the ‘myth of no return’ witnessed among
O’Reilly’s (2007) working-class migrants in Spain. But this is not only a myth, a
belief guiding their actions and informing an expressed commitment to a new life
elsewhere; it is also a harsh reality since most could not afford to go back even if
they wanted to
On the other hand, Britons in Turkey are not trying to create a ‘corner of
a foreign field that is forever England’ (Scott 2006, 1107). Their identities are
transnational in the sense Taras et al. (2004, 835) express with the pun: ‘They
are neither “be longing” for the motherland, nor “belonging” to the host country.’
How are the Migrants Received? Host Society attitudes
The students had been asked to write an essay on ‘Didim of the Future’. And
one of the kids wrote: ‘I feel upset when I go to the bank that the Brits are given
the priority, when I go to the notary’ – of course she hears these from her parents
– ‘the Brits are in front of me, the waiters serve them first.’ I mean there’s that
situation that even now the seeds of hostility are being planted
As for the, mostly British, migrants, they celebrate the risks they have taken in
order to escape lives which they feel are deteriorating before their eyes
Their
actual insecurities and marginal status in Turkey are masked by their emphasis on
their escape from insecurity, crime and oppression and on having taken their lives
into their own hands
What the future holds, for both incomers and locals, remains
to be seen.